Differentiating the Historical Illusion
of Chou Ta-kuan’s Notes on the Customs of Tchen-la
: Critique and Comparison of Thai, French and English Versions[1]
(Firstly Presented and published in the seminar for Thai Studies in a Transitional World, the 10th International Conference on Thai Studies, January 9-11, 2008. Thammasat University , Bangkok, Thailand. )of Chou Ta-kuan’s Notes on the Customs of Tchen-la
: Critique and Comparison of Thai, French and English Versions[1]
Stone engraving depicted Cambodians' way of life at Angkor ThomAbstract
It is nearly 600 years after Chou Ta-kuan write his famous book “Notes on the Customs of Tchen-la” in middle of the14thcentury. It has been republished and translates broader into different languages, including Thai versions of Chalerm Yongboonkerd (Chinese-Thai,1973) and Boonruang Gachamaya(Khmer-Thai, 2000)
Thai people read Chou’s record adorably, especially, when they visit Angkor Thom. Not many people raised questions about the story in his text.
In 1994, with the Chinese manuscripts published in the reign of King Wan-li, Yang Baoyun’s paper “Nouvelles Études sur l’Ouvrage de Zhou Daguan” criticized the French version translated by Paul Pélliot(1902), such an introduction, part 1,2,8,10,12, 13,21,26,29,30,31,34,and 40, left alone other17 parts.
The parts 16-20 of the Thai version had been taken to be compared, criticized and evaluated of it’s values and reliability with other 4 versions by Paul Pelliot, J. Gilman d’Arcy Paul and Michael Smithies, for differentiating historical illusion in Chou Ta-kuan’s record. The researcher proposes at least 19 issues of illusive information mingle in those parts. That is why we have to be more careful in reading any version of Chou Ta-kuan ‘s record.
1. Development
According to Chalerm Yongbookerd, the Notes on the Customs of Tchen la (Tchen la fong t’ou ki): the record of contemporary day-life of the Cambodians during the late 13th Century; wrote in 1295[3] by Chou Ta-kuan[4] (Tcheou Ta-Kouan or Ts’ao - ti’ing - yi – min)[5], a Chinese chronicler who escorted the Chinese Embassy sent by Timur Khan (Emperor Cheng Zong, 1294-1307) to prevail upon the court of King Indravarman III (r.1243-1295) of Cambodian, to send the royal tribute to China again after it had been given up in the reign of King Jayavarman VIII(r.1243-1295). Chou Ta-kuan reached Cambodia in 1296 and stayed there a year before he went back to China.
According to Chalerm Yongbookerd, the Notes on the Customs of Tchen la (Tchen la fong t’ou ki): the record of contemporary day-life of the Cambodians during the late 13th Century; wrote in 1295[3] by Chou Ta-kuan[4] (Tcheou Ta-Kouan or Ts’ao - ti’ing - yi – min)[5], a Chinese chronicler who escorted the Chinese Embassy sent by Timur Khan (Emperor Cheng Zong, 1294-1307) to prevail upon the court of King Indravarman III (r.1243-1295) of Cambodian, to send the royal tribute to China again after it had been given up in the reign of King Jayavarman VIII(r.1243-1295). Chou Ta-kuan reached Cambodia in 1296 and stayed there a year before he went back to China.
Michael Smithies proposed that it was not known exactly when Chou Ta-kuan compiled his text [6], but “the work” is found in at least six different collection of texts and most of which were not published until much later. Smithies added that “The Customs of Cambodia” is not chou’s only work, but it is the only account he apparently left of Cambodia” [7].
Paul Pélliot indicated that Chou Ta-kuan traveled to Cambodia between c.1296-1297[8], and write the record before 1312. It had been published again in 1346 before the declination of Mongol dynasty in 1368 [9]. Michael Smithies translates the preface of Pélliot in another meaning, he said that the “Memmoires sur les coutumes du Cambodge” were incorporated in a compilation, essentially comprising extracts, of one hundred chapters, the Shoufu (Chouo fou) from the pen of Tao Zongyi (T’ao Tsong-yi), shortly after the fall of the Mongol Dynasty in 1368.[10]
After that, it had been translated and criticized orderly as below,
1.In 1819, Abel Rémusat translated the record from Chinese to French.[11] Smithies added that the translation appeared in French as “ Description du Royaume du Cambodge par un voyageur du chinois qui a visité cette contrée à la fin du 13e siècle[12] .
1.In 1819, Abel Rémusat translated the record from Chinese to French.[11] Smithies added that the translation appeared in French as “ Description du Royaume du Cambodge par un voyageur du chinois qui a visité cette contrée à la fin du 13e siècle[12] .
2. In 1902, Paul Pélliot, a sinologist and member of the École Français d’Extrême Orient[13] , translated a new version of Chou’s record into French “Mémoires sur les Coutumes du Cambodge de Tcheou Ta-kouan: version nouvelle suivie d’un commentaire inacheve” [14]
As Michael Smithies revealed, Pélliot devoted his time at the revision of his translation until 1924, after which he does not appear to have returned to the manuscript[15]. He had begun very detailed notes to his revised translation, but unfortunately these only go as far as section 3 and his revisions were published posthumously in 1951[16]. However , this version having useful of valuable information with Pélliot’ s commentary.
3. Some year before 1967, according to Chalerm Yongbookerd, Sunt Tor. Komalabut, translated Chou’s record into Thai from the French version of Pélliot . It is regretted that the researcher can not find this version to be studied by himself.
4.In 1967,J.Gilman d’Arcy Pual, under the patronage of Social Science Association of Thailand and the Breezewood Foundation,translated Chou’s record “Notes on the Customs of Cambodia by Chou Ta-kuan from the version of Paul Pélliot [17]
5. In1967,Chalerm Yongboonkerd, a numismatist and former sub- committee for historical research of Thai history in Chinese archives[18],translated Chou’s record from Chinese as “Bantük Waduay Kanob Thamnuem Prapenee Kong Tchen-la(Notes on the Customs of Tchen-la)” .
6.During 1973-1974, according to Yang Baoyun’s paper, Chou’s record was translated from Chinese into Cambodians and Vietnamese. [19]
7. In 1981, Xia Nai presented an article “Zhenla fentuji jiaozhu” [20]
8.In 1994,Yang Baoyun ‘s paper“Nouvelles Études sur l’Ouvrage de Zhou Daguan” based on Xia Nai’s analytical paper, criticized Chou’s record translated into French by Pélliot. [21] In his paper, Shuofu A.that published in the reign of King Wan-li of Ming dynasty and other editions of Chou’s records were brought in to compare with Pélliot’s work, [22] by examines and compares many parts of Chou’s record, such a introduction, part1, 2 ,8,10,12,13,21, 26,29,30,31,34,and40,but left alone other 17 parts, especially,parts16,17,18,19,20.
9.In 2000,Ashram of Wisdom, Rajabhat Institute of Surin, published “Chod Mai Hed Ruang Chao Muang Tchen-la( Chronicle of Tchen-la People)”Translated from Cambodian into Thai by Boonruang Gachamaya. The Cambodian version has been translated from Chinese by Lee Thiab Deng in1962. [23]
10.In 2000,the Matichon Press published “Bantük Waduy Kanob Thamnuem Prapenee Kong Tchen-la of ChouT a-kuan” by Chalerm Yongboonkerd,(2ndedition). However, in the foreword, an editor did not refer to weak points of the record, as in French and English editions.
11.In 2001,Michael Smithies translated Chou’s record from the French version of Pélliot into English with his own introduction and an article of Luis Finot. [24]
2.Values
Although stories of Cambodia between the7th-8thcenturies used to be mentioned in the records of Huan-tsang and I-sing, but it‘s insufficiently for us to describe daily life and social organization of Cambodians. In the preamble, Chou Ta-kuan, notes that,
“ No doubt the customs and characteristics of this country have not been made
known to us in all their details, but at least we were able to discern the principal
outlines”[25]
Although stories of Cambodia between the7th-8thcenturies used to be mentioned in the records of Huan-tsang and I-sing, but it‘s insufficiently for us to describe daily life and social organization of Cambodians. In the preamble, Chou Ta-kuan, notes that,
“ No doubt the customs and characteristics of this country have not been made
known to us in all their details, but at least we were able to discern the principal
outlines”[25]
Thus, Paul Pelliot indicates that the record of Chou Ta-kuan in the late 13th century is “La seule description d’Angkor au temps de sa splendeur (The only description of Angkor at the time of its splendor)”,[26] by this, J. Gilman d’Arcy Paul quotes Pélliot’s first three paragraphs of his preface into his edition in 1967. Therefore, it can not refuse that Chou Ta-kuan’s record is one of the most important document for the history of Cambodia.
In the academic realm of Thailand: the record of Chou Ta-kaun translates by Chalerm Yongboonkerd has been honored broadly, as one of “the most righteous archive”. Besides of the help of Sinologist, Liang Sathienrasut, in examining his work, Chalerm had compared his translation with the version of Sant T. Komalabut . Therefore, in the preface, he indicates that “ it must be accepted that the contents in Chou’s record are mostly correct.”[27]
Sujit Wongtes, an editor of the 2nd edition, mentions that he read Chou’s record very passionately and often refers some part to compare the ancient custom between Ayutthaya and Khmer Kingdom, such a story of “Nang Naga” or “Queen Naga” .[28] Srisakra Wallibhotama, a well-known historian, expresses that Chou’s record assists us to reconstruct ways of life of the Khmer people in Angkor during the 13rd century quite well and one of the most significant thing is a narration of majors groups and minors society (such a Khmer habitants, Chinese merchants, Siamese, Chams and tribes) that consist Angkor, as reports below:
“Languages in each town and village are so various as usual as in
China. Furthermore, this record has effected the movement of life in
Angkor from description of their customs of each month, both the royal
court and the common. [29]
China. Furthermore, this record has effected the movement of life in
Angkor from description of their customs of each month, both the royal
court and the common. [29]
Michael Smithies’s version has more information concern to the edition than J. Gilman D’Paul’s and Chalerm Yongboonkerd’s. It includes a brief history of Cambodia, especially, in the time of the visit of Chou Takuan to Cambodia. Smithies mentions that:
“As Pélliot pointed out in 1902, Zhou Daguan’s is the only text to come down to us describing daily life in the Khmer empire.True,the empire had passed it’s zenith, and a fundamental shift to Theravada Buddhism was occuring, but that does not diminish its value. Seen in conjunction with the bas-reliefs at Angkor, particularly at the Bapuon, the Bayon, and Angkor Wat, the text tells us a good deal about how people lived then and how society was organized. Although it is undoubtedly occasionally inaccurate and incomplete---Zhou seems to have depended on members of Chinese community in Angkor for some of his information, and many of his views were typical of those of a Chinese male chauvinist----it is, as a record of daily life, considerably more informative than the numerous stele erected in temples by kings pompously proclaiming their greatness.”[30]
According to Chou Ta-kuan’s record, in the late 13rdcentury, we know that Cambodia has been called “Chen-la(Tchen-la or Tchan-la)” by Chinese since the 7th century. Chalerm Yongboonkerd still preserves the key word “Sien-lo” [31] in the preface, part 29 and part 34, which let us know more about history of Siam before the Ayutthaya period, although the translator identifies that “Sien-lo” is “Sukhothai”.
“Sien-lo” is specified to be “the Kingdom of Ayutthaya(1350-1767”.Pélliot proposes that when “Lo-hou(Lawo or Lob-buri)” had conquered “Sien” in 1349, Chinese called this new kingdom as “Sien-lo” [32], or “Sien-lohou”.
Pélliot translates the word “Sien-lo ” as “Siam” in the introduction,[33]but later in the part of interpretation of the text, he has preserve the word “Sien-lo” as :
“ Siam is called Sien-lo in this period ” [34]
“ Siam is called Sien-lo in this period ” [34]
Both J. Gilman d’Arcy Paul and Michael Smithies neglects this key word.[35]
In the part 29, concerning to silkworms and mulberry trees, Chalerm Yong boonkerd still preserves the key word “ Sien ” and “ Sien people (Sien-jen)” again as below:
In the part 29, concerning to silkworms and mulberry trees, Chalerm Yong boonkerd still preserves the key word “ Sien ” and “ Sien people (Sien-jen)” again as below:
“Recently, the Sien people have come to settle in their country, they raise
silkworms and cultivate mulberries. All mulberry seeds and silkworms come from the country of Sien…Sien people weave black thin silk fabric as their clothing. Sien women can sew and mend, and when the fabric worn by the natives become torn, the natives need to hire them to repair the damage.” [36]
silkworms and cultivate mulberries. All mulberry seeds and silkworms come from the country of Sien…Sien people weave black thin silk fabric as their clothing. Sien women can sew and mend, and when the fabric worn by the natives become torn, the natives need to hire them to repair the damage.” [36]
In the part 34 dealing with villages,Chou Ta-kuan also remarks that “Recently, war with Sien causes these villages has been destroyed until become the cleared-field.” [37] It could be assumed that “Sien” and “Sien people” in Chalerm’s edition, might be coincide to “Sien, Sien-lo and Sien-jen” in Chinese manuscript.
According to Chalerm’s view,“Sien people” is the people of Sukhothai Kingdom.[38] However, Sien-lo is located by Chou Ta-kuan at south-west of Chen-la.[39] So, this may relate to Ayutthaya and Lopburi(Lo-hou) than Sukhothai.
A group of scholar proposes that “Sien/ Sien-lo/ Siem” may concerns to Supannapoom in Supanburi .
A group of scholar proposes that “Sien/ Sien-lo/ Siem” may concerns to Supannapoom in Supanburi .
Even the invasion of “Sien” from the west to Chen-la in the 13rd century is recorded distinctively in Champa’s document, [40] However, it is ignored by Siamese. We could find the trace of Siam inclined to invade Cambodia in the royal chronicle of Ayutthaya, when King Ramadhibadi I( 1350-1369) said to King Baromraja I (1370-1388) his wife’s brother that: “The Khmer betrays us, you must lead the army to suppress them.”
History and cultural society of Siam in the 13rd, especially before the Ayutthaya period, is gloomy. The record of Chou Ta-kuan may be used as the tool to reconstruct daily life of Siamese, and, including, history and cultural society in comparison.
3. Critique of record of Chou Ta-kuan parts 16-20
The researcher will do criticism and comparison of all 4 editions to demonstrate debatable issues in each edition . It may assist to differentiate the historical delusion out of each edition, to a greater extent.
The researcher will do criticism and comparison of all 4 editions to demonstrate debatable issues in each edition . It may assist to differentiate the historical delusion out of each edition, to a greater extent.
3.1 Critique of the part 16: Death
There are at least 3 issues of the part 16 have been brought to be criticized , as below:
A) Comparing of the movement of funeral procession between Cambodians and Chinese culture.
Chalerm Yongboonkerd does not refer to the comparison upper. He mentions only that in the funeral procession, they make use of buntings and music[41]. Perhaps , the Chinese manuscript he uses, does refers to that too. In contrarily, Pélliot’s indicates rather clearly that “...Dans le cortège funéraire, ces gens aussi emploient en tête drapeaux, -bannières et musique. ”[42] Smithies translates in the same way of Pélliot. “these people also make use of flags, banners, and music.”[43] Especially, J. Gilman d’Arcy Paul adds more obvious that “ In funerary processions these people, like ourselve, lead off with flags, banners, and music ” [44]
B) Popped rice
In this issue, Chalerm Yongboonkerd translates that “ Furthermoer, they take two trays of popped rice and scatter it by handfuls along the ways” [45] Chalerm Yongboonkerd could reflect the image of “popped rice” entirely. In contrast , the other editions has translated this word in to the wrong meaning and do not agree with the Cambodians’ culture. For example, Paul Pélliot uses the phase “de riz grillé” [46] that more agree with the meaning of “the grilled rice (kao ping - ข้าวปิ้ง / kao kua -ข้าวคั่ว / kao yang- ข้าวย่าง) than the popped rice.
In this issue, Chalerm Yongboonkerd translates that “ Furthermoer, they take two trays of popped rice and scatter it by handfuls along the ways” [45] Chalerm Yongboonkerd could reflect the image of “popped rice” entirely. In contrast , the other editions has translated this word in to the wrong meaning and do not agree with the Cambodians’ culture. For example, Paul Pélliot uses the phase “de riz grillé” [46] that more agree with the meaning of “the grilled rice (kao ping - ข้าวปิ้ง / kao kua -ข้าวคั่ว / kao yang- ข้าวย่าง) than the popped rice.
J. Gilman d’Arcy Paul dose a little mistranslating, he uses the word “fried rice” [47] in this content which it may causes the readers to misunderstand that the Cambodians scatter “fried rice” (kao pad/ kao tord) along the way that the funeral procession pass.
Professor Michael Smithies is not different from the other western translators, he uses the word “toasted rice” [48]which is not different from “the grilled rice”.
Professor Michael Smithies is not different from the other western translators, he uses the word “toasted rice” [48]which is not different from “the grilled rice”.
Instead of using word “popped rice”, Ad Reinhardt, the writer of “ Khmer Sculpture”(Reinhardt , 1961, p.58), uses the word “burnt rice” that is not entirely concerns to the cultural content .[49]
C) Translating information that may lead us to misunderstand that the natives leaving the corpse to be the food of vultures, dogs and domestic animals.
According to Chalerm Yongboonkerd’s edition, he translates that “They carry the corpse to some lonely place outside the city , then left it there, and return after seeing that the vultures, dogs and domestic animals are coming to devour it.” [50] The upper issue may causes us to misunderstand that the domestic animals of the Cambodians also consume the corpse like the vultures and dogs, but in generally, except dogs, they are not the carnivorous animals.
J. Gilman d’Arcy Paul translates the upper process clearer than the first one, as below
“ …abandon it there, and go home after seeing that the vultures, dogs,
and other beasts are coming to devour it….[51]
“ …abandon it there, and go home after seeing that the vultures, dogs,
and other beasts are coming to devour it….[51]
3.2 Critique of part 17: Agricuture
A)Seasons in Tchen-la
Chalerm translates that “…because all four seasons are similar to the fifth and the sixth moons(of China)…”. [52] This may lead us to misunderstand that there are also four seasons in Tchen-la like China. Fortunately, translating of the other editions are clearer than him , such as, Pélliot’s “ ..cest que toute l’année resemble a nos cinquième et sixième lunes …” [53], and Smithies’ “…all the year here is like our fifth and sixth moon…”[54].
B)Quantity of daily raining.
Chalerm translates that “…because all four seasons are similar to the fifth and the sixth moons(of China)…”. [52] This may lead us to misunderstand that there are also four seasons in Tchen-la like China. Fortunately, translating of the other editions are clearer than him , such as, Pélliot’s “ ..cest que toute l’année resemble a nos cinquième et sixième lunes …” [53], and Smithies’ “…all the year here is like our fifth and sixth moon…”[54].
B)Quantity of daily raining.
Chalerm translates that “ …it rain everyday and lessen in the afternoon”[55], On the other hand Pelliot, JGDP and Smithies indicate in the same way that it rains everyday in the afternoon.[56]
C)Translating different water level in the great lake
Chalerm refers that “Level of the water in the lake may rise up to 7-8 tchang…”[57] He describes that 1 tchang is 3.33 meters. So, 7-8 tchang are 23.31-26.64 meters.
Pelliot refers that the water in the great lake may rise up to 7-8 toises .[58] One toise is 6 feet. So 7-8 toises are equal 42-48 feet or 12.6-14.4 meters.
Although, JGAP uses a “fathom” measure unit, he state that the water level are 7-8 fathoms, [59] which it is the same level of Pelliot’s edition, when it has been converted into the metric system.
D) Using of night soil as fertilizer
Chalerm mention that “ For fertilizing rice fields and cultivating vegetables, they did not use the filth [60], which they mind that it is filthy materials.” In this case, Chalerm avoids to mention directly that the Chinese in Tchen-la use “human night soil” as the fertilizer.
Chalerm mention that “ For fertilizing rice fields and cultivating vegetables, they did not use the filth [60], which they mind that it is filthy materials.” In this case, Chalerm avoids to mention directly that the Chinese in Tchen-la use “human night soil” as the fertilizer.
Pelliot proposes that “…ces gens ne font aucun usage de fumier …”, [61] at the first place, that it could be animal dung or human manure. Meanwhile, JGDP hints that, it is (human) dung. [62] For this issue, Smithies is “braver” than both translators, to use the word “night soil” [63] in the context .
3.3 Critique of part: Mountain and River
A)Crying of the beast
Chalerm translates that “Crying of the beast is noisy around the forest…”[64] Meanwhile, Pelliot classifies more details that “Les cris des oiseaux et des animaux”[65], which it is coincident to the editions of JGDP and Smithies…“the cries of birds and animals…..”)[66]
Chalerm translates that “Crying of the beast is noisy around the forest…”[64] Meanwhile, Pelliot classifies more details that “Les cris des oiseaux et des animaux”[65], which it is coincident to the editions of JGDP and Smithies…“the cries of birds and animals…..”)[66]
B)Gaurs or wild buffaloes
Mean while, Chalerm translates that “There are hundreds and thousands in herds of gaur gather in the field[67], other translators mention to “les buffes” [68] and “wild buffaloes”[69]. However, in Boonruang’s edition, has been mentioned like Chalerm’s.
Mean while, Chalerm translates that “There are hundreds and thousands in herds of gaur gather in the field[67], other translators mention to “les buffes” [68] and “wild buffaloes”[69]. However, in Boonruang’s edition, has been mentioned like Chalerm’s.
3.4 Criticize of part 19: Products
A)Comparison the quality of products
Chalerm uses the word “fine products” for high quality products, such a, the features of kingfisher, elephant, tusks, rhinoceros horns and beeswax [70]” In Thai language, the word “fine products” is not so clear. Pelliot and Smithies use the words “Les produits des valeurs”[71] and “Products of value”[72] orderly. JGDP uses the clearest word as “ the most sought after products”[73]
Chalerm uses the word “fine products” for high quality products, such a, the features of kingfisher, elephant, tusks, rhinoceros horns and beeswax [70]” In Thai language, the word “fine products” is not so clear. Pelliot and Smithies use the words “Les produits des valeurs”[71] and “Products of value”[72] orderly. JGDP uses the clearest word as “ the most sought after products”[73]
Chalerm uses the word “coarse products” [74] when he refers to poorer quality products, such a, eagle-wood, cardamon, gamboge, sticklac and chaulmoogra. Using the word “coarse products” may confuse us than the word “ les produits ordinaires” [75] in Pelliot’s or “the ordinary products..”[76]. In the same way, we could find the word “more common place articles” in JGDP.[77]
B) Behavior of the kingfishers
Chalerm translates that “The kingfishers are rather difficult to catch. There are swamps with plenty of fish in the thick forest. The kingfishers fly from the forest to catch fish to be their food.”[78] Pelliot, Smithies and Boonraung’s edition is not different from Chalerm’s. On the other hand JGDP mention that “ the kingfishers hovers over the forest” [79] only, not fly out of the forest, because there are plenty of fish in the swamps in there.
Chalerm translates that “The kingfishers are rather difficult to catch. There are swamps with plenty of fish in the thick forest. The kingfishers fly from the forest to catch fish to be their food.”[78] Pelliot, Smithies and Boonraung’s edition is not different from Chalerm’s. On the other hand JGDP mention that “ the kingfishers hovers over the forest” [79] only, not fly out of the forest, because there are plenty of fish in the swamps in there.
C)Habitants of the mountains
Chalerm translates that “There are only the villagers dwelling in the lonely mountains to have the elephant tusks.” In this issue, the process ought to be “ the tribes (or the natives) dwelling in the lonely mountain” in place of using the word “the villagers”, because they live in the mountainous region.
Chalerm translates that “There are only the villagers dwelling in the lonely mountains to have the elephant tusks.” In this issue, the process ought to be “ the tribes (or the natives) dwelling in the lonely mountain” in place of using the word “the villagers”, because they live in the mountainous region.
Pelliot translates that “Ce sont les habitants des mantagnes [80].”, as same as JGDP and Smithies, “Dwellers in the remote fastness of the mountains.[81]”
D) Rhinoceros horns
Chalerm translates as similar as Pelliot “Veined-white rhinoceros horns are in good grade, black horns are bad grade ” [82] Nevertheless, Pelliot magnifies a bit that “La corne de rhinocéros branche et veinée est la plus estimée; la noire est inférieure.[83]
Chalerm translates as similar as Pelliot “Veined-white rhinoceros horns are in good grade, black horns are bad grade ” [82] Nevertheless, Pelliot magnifies a bit that “La corne de rhinocéros branche et veinée est la plus estimée; la noire est inférieure.[83]
In fact, it’s not very easy to discover the white horns. It’s much easier to huntแ the light-colored and veined or dark horns as in the edition of JGDP[84] and Smithies [85]
E) Chaumoogra oil
Chalerm translates that “Chaulmoogra oil is derived from the seeds of a large tree. It’s rounded-fruit is like coconut and contains several dozen seeds inside” [86] This issue in Chalerm is similar to Boonruang(small coconut), Pelliot(coco) and Smithies(coconut), except JGDP, who narates that chaulmoogra fruit is like cocoa. [87]
Chalerm translates that “Chaulmoogra oil is derived from the seeds of a large tree. It’s rounded-fruit is like coconut and contains several dozen seeds inside” [86] This issue in Chalerm is similar to Boonruang(small coconut), Pelliot(coco) and Smithies(coconut), except JGDP, who narates that chaulmoogra fruit is like cocoa. [87]
3.5 Criticize of Part 20: Trade
A)Timing of the Trade
Chalerm’s editition indicates that “The market is held everyday from four o’clock to one o’clock in the afternoon.” [88] This process may confuses us that what hour is the real time that the market starts, because four o’clock in the morning in Thai perception could be both 4 A.M. and 10 A.M. If it starts from 4 A.M. to 1 P.M., the trading would be take charge each day up to 9 hours. If it starts from 10 o’clock, the trading would take charge only 3 hours.
Chalerm’s editition indicates that “The market is held everyday from four o’clock to one o’clock in the afternoon.” [88] This process may confuses us that what hour is the real time that the market starts, because four o’clock in the morning in Thai perception could be both 4 A.M. and 10 A.M. If it starts from 4 A.M. to 1 P.M., the trading would be take charge each day up to 9 hours. If it starts from 10 o’clock, the trading would take charge only 3 hours.
On the other hand, Pélliot, d’Arcy Pual and Smithies translate precisely that the market starts from 6 A.M. to 1 P.M. [89] In similarly, Boonruang Gachamaya translates that the market stars from the dawn until at noon.[90]
B) Material using to spread to the ground as exchanging.
Chalerm indicates that traders use the fluffy mats spreads to the ground at each spot[91], while the other only indicate that the trader “…they display their good on a matting spread upon the ground. [92]
Chalerm indicates that traders use the fluffy mats spreads to the ground at each spot[91], while the other only indicate that the trader “…they display their good on a matting spread upon the ground. [92]
C) Materials of exchanging in small deals
In Chalerm’s edition,“In small exchanging,they trade with cereals,Chinese’s goods.” [93] He may forget an adjective “and/ or” to complete the process.
In Chalerm’s edition,“In small exchanging,they trade with cereals,Chinese’s goods.” [93] He may forget an adjective “and/ or” to complete the process.
The other, such as J.Gilman d’Arcy Paul (JGAP) indicate more clarify that “ In small transactions barter is carried on with rice, cereals and Chinese objects .”[94]
D) In big deals
In Chalerm’s edition, he indicates that “..if it is a big business they use monetary in trading…” [95] On the other hand, Pelliot, JGAP,Smithies state in rather similarly way that “ In big deals, gold and silver is used. [96]
In Chalerm’s edition, he indicates that “..if it is a big business they use monetary in trading…” [95] On the other hand, Pelliot, JGAP,Smithies state in rather similarly way that “ In big deals, gold and silver is used. [96]
E)Reaction of the Cambodians when seeing the Chinese
Chalerm translates that when the Cambodians see the Chinese,“ they will crouch and touch the ground with five parts of the body as Pañcappatitthite-na vandana ” [97] It’s too much Pañcappatitthite-na vandana is the obeisance for Buddha and the Buddhist monks.
The other editions, such as Smithies, indicate only “they go down to the ground and prostrate themselves ”[98]
Chalerm translates that when the Cambodians see the Chinese,“ they will crouch and touch the ground with five parts of the body as Pañcappatitthite-na vandana ” [97] It’s too much Pañcappatitthite-na vandana is the obeisance for Buddha and the Buddhist monks.
The other editions, such as Smithies, indicate only “they go down to the ground and prostrate themselves ”[98]
4.Conclusion
Even only 5 parts of Chou’s record, the research can reflect at least 19 debatable issues presented in here earlier, excluding a bit contradiction fact in the preface of some edition.
Even only 5 parts of Chou’s record, the research can reflect at least 19 debatable issues presented in here earlier, excluding a bit contradiction fact in the preface of some edition.
Study the record of Chou Ta-kuan “customs of Tchen-la” from Chinese manuscript is very complicatedly. So it is easier for us to criticize and compare the record from foreign editions elaborately, to differentiate elusive information and evaluate values of the record.
Chalerm Yongboonkerd may be one of an expert in Chinese. However, his fundamental knowledge did not concern to history. His work may have some weak point, because translating Chou’s record from ancient Chinese to any other foreign language, including Thai, is one of the most complicate job. It can not deny that all editions are plenty of historical values in assist us to examine each other to disclose any suspicious information.
The most useful mechanic to be used in finding and differentiate delusive data is the process of critical documentary, especially, comparing and analyzing all sources before taking into the mode of reference.
Bibliography
Bibliography
Gachamaya, Boonruang Chod Mai Hed Ruang Chao Muang Tchen-la(Chronicle of Tchen-la People). (Surin: Rajabhat Institute of Surin, 2000), non page number.
Paul, J. Gilman D’Arcy , Notes on the Customs of Cambodia, Bangkok: Social Science Association Press, 1967
Pelliot, Paul , Memoires sur les Coutumes du Cambodge de Tcheou Ta- Kouan Version Nouvelle suivie d’un Commentaire Inacheve, Paris: Librarire d’Amerique et d’Orient Adrien - Maisonneuve, 1954
Reinhardt, Ad (1961), Khmer Sculpture, Carnegie Press, New York.
Smithies, Michael , The Customs of Cambodia by Zhou Daguan (Chou Ta – kuan), Bangkok: The Siam Society, 2001
Wongtes, Sujit (editor) . Silpa Wattanatham Chabub Pises: published “Bantük Waduy Kanob Thamnuem Prapenee Kong Chen-la (Notes on the Customs of Chenla) by Chalerm Yongboonkerd. 2nd edition. Bangkok: Maticchon Press, 2000 Yongboonkerd, Chalerm, Bantük Waduy Kanob Thamnuem Prapenee Kong Chen-la “Notes on the Customs of Chenla” ,Bangkok: Chuanpis , 1967.
Paul, J. Gilman D’Arcy , Notes on the Customs of Cambodia, Bangkok: Social Science Association Press, 1967
Pelliot, Paul , Memoires sur les Coutumes du Cambodge de Tcheou Ta- Kouan Version Nouvelle suivie d’un Commentaire Inacheve, Paris: Librarire d’Amerique et d’Orient Adrien - Maisonneuve, 1954
Reinhardt, Ad (1961), Khmer Sculpture, Carnegie Press, New York.
Smithies, Michael , The Customs of Cambodia by Zhou Daguan (Chou Ta – kuan), Bangkok: The Siam Society, 2001
Wongtes, Sujit (editor) . Silpa Wattanatham Chabub Pises: published “Bantük Waduy Kanob Thamnuem Prapenee Kong Chen-la (Notes on the Customs of Chenla) by Chalerm Yongboonkerd. 2nd edition. Bangkok: Maticchon Press, 2000 Yongboonkerd, Chalerm, Bantük Waduy Kanob Thamnuem Prapenee Kong Chen-la “Notes on the Customs of Chenla” ,Bangkok: Chuanpis , 1967.
[1] Part of a research project (Cultural concept of the Cambodians in the 14th Century: Study from the Memory of Customs of Chen-la of Chou Ta-kuan), funding by Dhurakij Pundit University, Bkk.
[2] Faculty of Arts and Sciences, Dhurakij Pundit University.
[3] Chalerm Yongboonkerd, Bantük Waduy Kanob Thamnuem Prapenee Kong Chen-la “Notes on the Customs of Chenla” (Bangkok: Chuanpis , 1967), p.1.
[4] Chalerm Yongboonkerd,, ibid.., p.1.
[5] Paul Pelliot, Memoires sur les Coutumes du Cambodge de Tcheou Ta-Kouan Version Nouvelle suivie d’un Commentaire Inacheve, (Paris: Librarire d’Amerique et d’Orient Adrien - Maisonneuve, 1954), p.5
[6] Michael Smithies, The Customs of Cambodia by Zhou Daguan(Chou Ta-kuan). The Siam Society Under Royal Patronage , Bangkok, 2001, p. 8.
[7] Michael Smithies, Ibid. p. 8.
[8] Paul Pelliot, op. cit. , p.7
[9] Paul Pélliot , Ibid, p.8 and J. Gilman D’Acri Paul, Notes on the Customs of Cambodia. (Bangkok: Social Science Association Press), 1967), p.8.
[10] Michael Smithies, op.cit., p.9.
[11] Paul Pélliot, ibid, p.8.
[12]Michael Smithies, op.cit., p. 8.
[13] Michael Smithies, ibid., p. 9.
[14] Paul Pélliot, Ibid, p.8.
[15] Michael Smithies, ibid., p. 9.
[16] Michael Smithies, ibid., p. 9.
[17] J. Gilman D’Arcy Paul, Notes on the Customs of Cambodia, ( Bangkok: Social Science Association Press, 1967), p.7
[18] Sujit Wongtes (editor) . Silpa Wattanatham Chabub Pises: published “Bantük Waduy Kanob Thamnuem Prapenee Kong Chen-la (Notes on the Customs of Chenla) by Chalerm Yongboonkerd. (2nd edition). (Bangkok: Maticchon Press, 2000). pp.73-74.
[19] Yang Baoyun, “Nouvelles Études sur l’Ouvrage de Zhou Daguan”, p.227.
[20] Michael Smithies, op.cit. p.9 and Yang Bauyun, ibid., p.228.
[21] Yang Baoyun, op. cit.., pp.227-234
[22] Yang Bauyun, op. cit. , p.228
[23] Boonruang Gachamaya, Chod Mai Hed Ruang Chao Muang Tchen-la(Chronicle of Tchen-la People). (Surin: Rajabhat Institute of Surin, 2000), non page number.
[24] Michael Smithies, op. cit.., pp. 125-140.
[25] Michael Smithies, ibid., p. 16.
[26] Paul Pélliot, op.cit., p.7.
[27] Chalerm Yongboonkerd, op.cit. , p.(1).
[28] Sujit Wongtes (editor), op.cit., p.7.
[29] Sujit Wongtes (editor), ibid., p.12-13..
[30] Michael Smithies, op.cit., p.11.
[31] Chalerm Yongboonkerd, op. cit., p.2.
[32] Paul Pelliot, op. cit., p.98
[33] Paul Pelliot, op. cit., p.10
[34] Paul Pelliot, op. cit. P.98
[35] J. Gilman d’Arcy , op.cit., p.9 and Michael Smithies op.cit., p.16
[36] Chalerm Yongboonkerd, op.cit.,, pp.31-32. , Paul Pelliot, op. cit. , p.30, Michael Smithies, ibid..p.79 J. Gilman d’Arcy Paul , op.cit., p.37.
[37] Chalerm Yongboonkerd, ibid., p. 34.
[38] Chalerm Yongboonkerd, ibid., p. 32
[39] Chalerm Yongboonkerd, ibid., p.2.
[40] Michael Smithies, op.cit., p.8
[41] Chalerm Yongboonkerd, ibid., p.23.
[42] Paul Pelliot, op. cit. , p.24
[43] Michael Smithies, op. cit., p. 53
[44] J. Gilman d’Arcy, op.cit., p.31
[45] Chalerm Yongboonkerd, op.cit., p.23.
[46] Paul Pelliot, ibid., p.24
[47] J. Gilman d’Arcy, op.cit., p.31-32
[48] Michael Smithies, op. cit., p. 53
[49] Khmer Sculpture, p……
[50] Chalerm Yongboonkerd, op.cit., p.23.
[51] J. Gilman d’Arcy, op.cit., p.31332
[52] Chalerm Yongboonkerd, ibid, p.24
[53] Paul Pelliot, op. cit., p.24
[54] Smithies. Op.cit., p.55.
[55] Chalerm, p.24.
[56] Pelliot, p.24., JGDP, p.32. and Smithies, p.55.
[57] Chalerm, p.24.
[58] Paul Pelliot, op. cit., p.24
[59] J. Gilman d’Arcy, op. cit. , p.32
[60] Chalerm, op. cit. P. 24.
[61] Paul Pelliot, op. cit., p.25
[62] J.Gilman d’Arcy Paul, ibid., p. 32
[63] Michael Smithies, op.cit.., p.55
[64] Chalerm, p.25.
[65] Paul Pelliot, op.cit., p.25
[66] J. Gilman d’Arcy Paul , op.cit., p.33 and Smithies, p.57.
[67] Chalerm Yongboonkerd, op.cit., p.25
[68] Paul Pelliot, ibid, p.25
[69] Smithies, op.cit., p.57. JGDP, p.33.
[70] Chalerm, p.25.
[71] Pelliot, p.26
[72] Smithies, p.58.
[73] JGDP, p.33.
[74] Chalerm, p. 25.
[75] Paul Pelliot, op. cit., p.26
[76] Smithies, op. cit., p.59
[77] JGAP. op. cit, p.33
[78] Chalerm, p. 25.
[79] JGAP., op. cit., p33
[80] Pelliot, op. cit., p.26
[81] JGAP., op. cit., p33
[82] Chalerm, p.26.
[83] Pelliot., op. cit., p. 26
[84] JGAP., ibid, p.33
[85] Smithies., op. cit. , p.59
[86] Chalerm, p.26
[87] JGAP., op. cit., p. 34
[88] Chalerm, p.27
[89] Pelliot., op. cit., p.27, JGAP., op. cit., p34 and Smithies., op. cit., p.61
[90] Boonruang Gachamaya, op. cit., p.42.
[91] Chalerm, op.cit, p.27.
[92] Pelliot., op.cit., p.27, JGAP., op.cit., p.34 and Smithies., op.cit.., p.61
[93] Chalerm, op.cit., p.27.
[94] JGAP., op.cit, p.34
[95] Chalerm, op.cit., p.27.
[96] Pelliot., op.cit., p.27, JGAP., op.cit., p.34 and Smithies., op.cit., p.61
[97] Chalerm, op.cit., p.27.
[98] Smithies, op.cit.,p.61.
[2] Faculty of Arts and Sciences, Dhurakij Pundit University.
[3] Chalerm Yongboonkerd, Bantük Waduy Kanob Thamnuem Prapenee Kong Chen-la “Notes on the Customs of Chenla” (Bangkok: Chuanpis , 1967), p.1.
[4] Chalerm Yongboonkerd,, ibid.., p.1.
[5] Paul Pelliot, Memoires sur les Coutumes du Cambodge de Tcheou Ta-Kouan Version Nouvelle suivie d’un Commentaire Inacheve, (Paris: Librarire d’Amerique et d’Orient Adrien - Maisonneuve, 1954), p.5
[6] Michael Smithies, The Customs of Cambodia by Zhou Daguan(Chou Ta-kuan). The Siam Society Under Royal Patronage , Bangkok, 2001, p. 8.
[7] Michael Smithies, Ibid. p. 8.
[8] Paul Pelliot, op. cit. , p.7
[9] Paul Pélliot , Ibid, p.8 and J. Gilman D’Acri Paul, Notes on the Customs of Cambodia. (Bangkok: Social Science Association Press), 1967), p.8.
[10] Michael Smithies, op.cit., p.9.
[11] Paul Pélliot, ibid, p.8.
[12]Michael Smithies, op.cit., p. 8.
[13] Michael Smithies, ibid., p. 9.
[14] Paul Pélliot, Ibid, p.8.
[15] Michael Smithies, ibid., p. 9.
[16] Michael Smithies, ibid., p. 9.
[17] J. Gilman D’Arcy Paul, Notes on the Customs of Cambodia, ( Bangkok: Social Science Association Press, 1967), p.7
[18] Sujit Wongtes (editor) . Silpa Wattanatham Chabub Pises: published “Bantük Waduy Kanob Thamnuem Prapenee Kong Chen-la (Notes on the Customs of Chenla) by Chalerm Yongboonkerd. (2nd edition). (Bangkok: Maticchon Press, 2000). pp.73-74.
[19] Yang Baoyun, “Nouvelles Études sur l’Ouvrage de Zhou Daguan”, p.227.
[20] Michael Smithies, op.cit. p.9 and Yang Bauyun, ibid., p.228.
[21] Yang Baoyun, op. cit.., pp.227-234
[22] Yang Bauyun, op. cit. , p.228
[23] Boonruang Gachamaya, Chod Mai Hed Ruang Chao Muang Tchen-la(Chronicle of Tchen-la People). (Surin: Rajabhat Institute of Surin, 2000), non page number.
[24] Michael Smithies, op. cit.., pp. 125-140.
[25] Michael Smithies, ibid., p. 16.
[26] Paul Pélliot, op.cit., p.7.
[27] Chalerm Yongboonkerd, op.cit. , p.(1).
[28] Sujit Wongtes (editor), op.cit., p.7.
[29] Sujit Wongtes (editor), ibid., p.12-13..
[30] Michael Smithies, op.cit., p.11.
[31] Chalerm Yongboonkerd, op. cit., p.2.
[32] Paul Pelliot, op. cit., p.98
[33] Paul Pelliot, op. cit., p.10
[34] Paul Pelliot, op. cit. P.98
[35] J. Gilman d’Arcy , op.cit., p.9 and Michael Smithies op.cit., p.16
[36] Chalerm Yongboonkerd, op.cit.,, pp.31-32. , Paul Pelliot, op. cit. , p.30, Michael Smithies, ibid..p.79 J. Gilman d’Arcy Paul , op.cit., p.37.
[37] Chalerm Yongboonkerd, ibid., p. 34.
[38] Chalerm Yongboonkerd, ibid., p. 32
[39] Chalerm Yongboonkerd, ibid., p.2.
[40] Michael Smithies, op.cit., p.8
[41] Chalerm Yongboonkerd, ibid., p.23.
[42] Paul Pelliot, op. cit. , p.24
[43] Michael Smithies, op. cit., p. 53
[44] J. Gilman d’Arcy, op.cit., p.31
[45] Chalerm Yongboonkerd, op.cit., p.23.
[46] Paul Pelliot, ibid., p.24
[47] J. Gilman d’Arcy, op.cit., p.31-32
[48] Michael Smithies, op. cit., p. 53
[49] Khmer Sculpture, p……
[50] Chalerm Yongboonkerd, op.cit., p.23.
[51] J. Gilman d’Arcy, op.cit., p.31332
[52] Chalerm Yongboonkerd, ibid, p.24
[53] Paul Pelliot, op. cit., p.24
[54] Smithies. Op.cit., p.55.
[55] Chalerm, p.24.
[56] Pelliot, p.24., JGDP, p.32. and Smithies, p.55.
[57] Chalerm, p.24.
[58] Paul Pelliot, op. cit., p.24
[59] J. Gilman d’Arcy, op. cit. , p.32
[60] Chalerm, op. cit. P. 24.
[61] Paul Pelliot, op. cit., p.25
[62] J.Gilman d’Arcy Paul, ibid., p. 32
[63] Michael Smithies, op.cit.., p.55
[64] Chalerm, p.25.
[65] Paul Pelliot, op.cit., p.25
[66] J. Gilman d’Arcy Paul , op.cit., p.33 and Smithies, p.57.
[67] Chalerm Yongboonkerd, op.cit., p.25
[68] Paul Pelliot, ibid, p.25
[69] Smithies, op.cit., p.57. JGDP, p.33.
[70] Chalerm, p.25.
[71] Pelliot, p.26
[72] Smithies, p.58.
[73] JGDP, p.33.
[74] Chalerm, p. 25.
[75] Paul Pelliot, op. cit., p.26
[76] Smithies, op. cit., p.59
[77] JGAP. op. cit, p.33
[78] Chalerm, p. 25.
[79] JGAP., op. cit., p33
[80] Pelliot, op. cit., p.26
[81] JGAP., op. cit., p33
[82] Chalerm, p.26.
[83] Pelliot., op. cit., p. 26
[84] JGAP., ibid, p.33
[85] Smithies., op. cit. , p.59
[86] Chalerm, p.26
[87] JGAP., op. cit., p. 34
[88] Chalerm, p.27
[89] Pelliot., op. cit., p.27, JGAP., op. cit., p34 and Smithies., op. cit., p.61
[90] Boonruang Gachamaya, op. cit., p.42.
[91] Chalerm, op.cit, p.27.
[92] Pelliot., op.cit., p.27, JGAP., op.cit., p.34 and Smithies., op.cit.., p.61
[93] Chalerm, op.cit., p.27.
[94] JGAP., op.cit, p.34
[95] Chalerm, op.cit., p.27.
[96] Pelliot., op.cit., p.27, JGAP., op.cit., p.34 and Smithies., op.cit., p.61
[97] Chalerm, op.cit., p.27.
[98] Smithies, op.cit.,p.61.
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